Chapter 2: Poland 1980-1989 & When the Wall Came Tumbling Down

Poland 1980-1989

This chapter illustrates the struggles faced by Poland and the Solidarity movement. After many decades of protests, demonstrations, and movements, the Poles established a new social movement under the name of Solidarity.

A brief history of Polish society finds that Poles never really seemed willing to accept foreign or dictatorial rule. Many uprisings and protests soon followed, including those of an Armed Resistance from 1944-1947, and uprising in 1956, and a slur of strikes in 1970 and 1976. This attribute was only furthered when a Polish pope was elected in October of 1978. This violent nature of the Poles eventually led to the Solidarity movement in 1980.

The Solidarity movement was essentially a trade union and a social movement that brought together some 10 million Poles. This movement marked the first time that a Communist regime allowed this large of an independent organization to exist (Kenney 57). Solidarity hoped to attain freedom from the dictatorship without force. They had a similar mindset to that of South Africans in their move against apartheid - both organizations aimed to achieve a better society without violence.

Solidarity also strove to rebuild a fair Poland through a moral rebirth of the people. They stated that respect for the individual must be the backbone and base of action. They affirmed that the state must serve the people instead of ruling over them.

This time was still not an entirely peaceful era, however. There were three types of resistances that Poles acted out throughout the Solidarity movement. 

The first was an underground form of resistance. This is where Adam Michnik wrote his essay, On Resistance. Michnik established Solidarity’s independent newspaper, which in turn moved people to participate in the June 1989 election (Kenney 60). In his essay, he guaranteed that both Solidarity and the people who fought and suffered would not be forgotten and that they would find new allies. He stated that the efforts of the people through this movement (democratic opposition, Solidarity itself, and the independent press) was sure proof that anything can be accomplished by people who feel so strongly for something. Michnik also listed the goals for this Underground Solidarity movement:

• To create an authentic society
• To free Poland
• To establish individual freedom in Poland

The second form of resistance is the development of a new generation of social movements. People who had not previously been active in the Solidarity movement were offered less radical opportunities to make a difference. This took place with the Revolution of the Elves and the Hunger Strike in 1988. The Revolution of the Elves was an important movement in the eyes of the Poles. It brought enjoyment and frivolity to the public once again. It also lessened Polish fear of the police and the regime (Kenney 65). The Hunger Strike mentioned in The Hardest Thing to Overcome Was Our Own Foolishness outlined how one small action can create a domino effect. One small action leads to another, which in turns leads to yet another, and so on. And with all of these demonstrations and acts, huge changes can be made to society.

The last form of resistance involved the brilliant minds of strategic thinkers, such as Jacek Kuroń. Instead of Revolution, reports on the negotiations there for the Underground Solidarity newspaper mentioned earlier. He viewed this meeting as a step forward for Solidarity’s taking control (Kenney 74). However, he soon had come to the conclusion that Solidarity would have to cooperate with its enemies for the sake of Poland’s future. The results of this meeting are as follows:

Representatives from the Solidarity movement and the regime met at the Round Table in Warsaw for a discussion. Kuroń’s document,

•  Re-legalization of the Solidarity movement
• The establishment of an independent newspaper
• Semi-free elections to parliament

The Solidarity movement eventually eradicated the dominion of the Communist Party in Poland. By 1989 it had accomplished its many efforts and took part in Poland’s first partially free and democratic election since the end of WWII.

~*~

“When the Wall Came Tumbling Down”

                Taking a step away from Poland, we focused on the fall of the Berlin Wall in Germany. The Berlin wall embodied the physical division between East and West Berlin, and the symbolic division between Communism and democracy (Rosenberg 1).

                There were clear signs near the fall of the Wall that the Communist bloc had been weakening. As the strength of the Communist regime began to falter, new checkpoints were created for East Germans who wanted to escape.  On the night of November 9, 1989 the main priority of East Germans was tourism and travel to the wall. People hesitantly approached the wall and were surprised to find that the border guards were letting people across. The elation felt by the East Germans was immense at this point, and some radicals even went so far as to break down parts of the wall. The government began to question whether it was a good idea to open the border because of the radical movements the people were enacting.

                However, the Berlin Wall was defeated and fell in 1989. Families and friends were reunited after many years. East and West Germany were reunited into a single German state on October 3,1990 (Rosenberg 2).

 ~*~

                 Kenney, Padraic. 1989: Democratic Revolutions at the Cold War's End : A Brief History with Documents. Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, 2010. Print.

            Rosenberg, Jennifer. "The Rise and Fall of the Berlin Wall." About.com 20th Century History. About.com, 2013. Web. 26 Sept. 2013.

Chapter 7: China from 1986-1989

This chapter focuses primarily on the Tiananmen Square incident, and the people’s struggle to achieve victory over the strict Chinese government.

               

                The Cultural Revolution of 1966-1976 engaged students into new world views. Students warred against “old” traditions, theories, elders, etc. However, this was short lived, because it ended when Mao Zedong died in 1976. This event presented a brief space for dissent to take place.

               

Deng Xiaoping

Deng Xiaoping soon became the new leader. He planned to enact economic reform and create an opening to the West; therefore increasing the hope that political reform would come.

June 4^th marked a major turning point in Chinese history. After about a month and a half of peaceful protests, soldiers began fighting back, killing hundreds of students and allies in Tiananmen Square. This chapter explores the revolutionary tactics and struggles of the Tiananmen Square incident.

                

               Fang Lizhi’s speech, Democracy, Reform, and Modernization, inspired many student protests. In this speech, the key to understanding democracy was pointed out to be recognizing every individual’s rights. If the people truly wanted reform, it was crucial to set a democratic mentality and spirit. Also, the intellectual realm of the people had to be independent so as to not rely on authorities like the government.

                When the government representatives met with the students in 1989 about the protests, the government already had a plan set in mind - to defuse the discontent present among the students. However, the question didn’t fall as to what the government aimed to achieve, but that of what the students hoped to gain from the meeting. The entire community of students wanted to promote democracy, punish anyone guilty of embezzlement, make the reform stronger, and to overcome the corruption in the Chinese government.

                Throughout the meeting, it seemed as if the government officials were disregarding the students’ questions. They never really gave a complete answer, and they seemed as if they were trying to get around the question without giving too much away. They also kept referring to the students in a parental way; they would call them China’s children, and would continually say that the government loves its children. It all seemed like a façade to me, honestly. I couldn’t take the officials seriously, and neither could the students. I believe that this meeting only caused more problems than it fixed.

                The Hunger Strikers’ Announcement brought about many important points through a persuasive ritual. They defined a hunger strike specifically as a ritual, and some claim that they are fasting for a certain amount of days, while other proclaim their fasting until death. So, either way, this was a form of self-immolation for a very strong cause. This was said to be an “ambiguous weapon.” Even if their demands listed include some form of compromise, this extreme form of protest seems to prevent such a response.

                The strikers noted that “democracy is the most noble meaning of life; freedom is a basic human right,” (Kenney 171). However, the price for such a thing is one’s own life.

                The strikers’ reasons for this hunger strike was to protest

• ·         The indifferent attitude of the Chinese government towards this strike
• ·         The hindrance of their higher learning
• ·         The government’s incessant differences in their reports of this strike, and their label of the strike as a “chaotic disturbance.”

The strikers’ demands were that

• ·         The government to conduct dialogues with a delegation of Beijing institutes of higher learning
• ·         The government should give this strike a proper name, a just and impartial review, and should affirm that this strike is a patriotic and democratic movement by the students.

~*~

The Tank Man

               

 This movie was an eye-opener into the devastating events of the Tiananmen Square incident in China, as well as the long term effects resulting from it.

                The Chinese government is very strict, and monitors pretty much everything that its citizens say or do. During the Tiananmen Square riots, any form of evidence that showed what was happening was completely banned and eliminated. Reporters who filmed the riots or took pictures of them were immediately searched and their documentations were confiscated. However, some brave souls who were able to hide their evidence got away from the Chinese police with heart-breaking evidence of the horrible event.

                I think that having actual video proof of the event really makes me feel connected towards the event. I am able to form a better picture of what was going on, and it’s as if I was there with the children rioting or the reporters filming. Just being able to see the torment in the people’s eyes and the heart-wrenching cries of those hurt immensely heightens the actuality of the event. It makes it seem more terrible and adds a higher sense of sympathy for the people.

                I found this image, and thought that it related so much to the idea behind this video.

                It doesn’t take an army to change a nation; all it takes is one man with an idea and some courage. That one man stood alone in front of all those tanks. He had no armor on – all he had were what seemed to be grocery bags. And even still, he made an effort to take a stand and say enough is enough.

                This “Tank Man” provided the initiative the rioters needed to persevere. Just this one man’s insane amount of courage was enough to spark something in thousands. I think that was the part that got to me.

~*~

 

The PDF file, The Progress of Protest in China, really brought to my attention that the Tiananmen Square riots were headed up by kids. These were children that went to school, hung out with friends, and had homework, just like any other kid around that age. They were not much older or younger than me, and I think that really shocked me. I’m 18, but I’ve never been a part of a big revolution. Yet, these kids can be able to say, “Yeah, I was 16 when I was a part of this riot group, and we completely changed the nation because of it.” I think that’s pretty cool.

It also really stuck out that yes, these were kids, and these kids led one of the biggest revolutions in Chinese history! And they were KIDS.

Kenney, Padraic. 1989: Democratic Revolutions at the Cold War's End : A Brief History with Documents. Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, 2010. Print.

Chapter 5 - South Africa from 1983-1994

Chapter five discusses the South African fight against apartheid from the 1980s to mid-1990s. Since the arrival of the Europeans and white colonizers, South Africans had been experiencing the crushing defeats of apartheid. 

It seems really shocking that such a large portion of South Africa was inhabited by “coloreds,” and yet the small minority of whites took control anyways. It was stated that this regime had “all the trappings of democracy,” (Kenney 122). The South Africans didn’t know a thing about apartheid until they were exposed to it firsthand. In this way, the whites were able to take dominance and convince the South Africans that apartheid was a good thing, and that oppression was not involved. 

Also, throughout the whole apartheid regime, South African opposition leaders maintained their peaceful means of fighting against their opponents. However, their opponents did not respect the same desire for nonviolence. Along with these oppositional leaders, one man stood the test of time - Nelson Mandela’s figure and force ultimately promoted him to an extremely high moral authority. 

The apartheid regime was essentially an expression of nationalism. It was not a policy of discrimination, but of “separateness,” (Kenney 122). So basically, segregation. This also falls under the Jim Crow Laws to a certain extent, as well. The profession of the “separate but equal” clause in the Jim Crow Laws applies directly to the apartheid regime in South Africa at this time. The South Africans were still humans, though treated as less by the whites, and they still had some basic human rights. But of course they were neither match nor equal (or close to being equal, at that) to the whites then. The whites completely stripped them of their well-being and lowered them to less than nothing.

London, UK - Anti-apartheid protest at the South Africa House

The African National Congress (ANC) was founded in 1912 as the chief oppositional organization against apartheid. They espoused nonviolence and soon viewed the bombings and guerilla warfare as “a necessary counterpart to the ideal of nonviolence,” (Kenney 123). Nelson Mandela was a leader of the ANC, but was soon imprisoned in 1964. By 1983, however, many of the ANC’s forces were either in prison, exiled, or underground. So their power and organization had begun to lose control and footing in the fight. 

The ANC’s document, On Negotiations, was an informal approach to strategy. This document specifically is responding to the claims that the ANC was moving away from its pledge to armed resistance and to accusations that it was trying to destroy South African society in the name of revolution. They point out the main problem in the country throughout this document. They say that the main conflict is “between the forces of national liberation and democracy on one hand, and those of racism and reaction on the other,” (Kenney 127). The ANC states that the issue of their current government and apartheid is what is causing the disruption of peace in South Africa. They end their appeal by calling the South African people to action against the apartheid regime.

A short biography of the life of Nelson Mandela

A movement known as the United Democratic Front (UDF) soon appeared shortly after. Their main goal was to stir up civil disobedience and local empowerment through boycotts, strikes, and the like. This movement offered the people of South Africa a “new possibility focused on tactics that any individual could use,” (Kenney 123). I believe that this movement was an introverted way to become a community fighting against the same cause. They give instructions and encouragement for the individual to fight up against apartheid, not just the community as a whole. While this could be seen as both a pro and a con to this situation, I see it as a positive reinforcement. If the UDF has people individually acting against apartheid in the meantime, causing disruptions and civil unrest, other people will be more influenced to jump on the bandwagon. Also, smaller projects could be carried out by the individual, while the entire community focused on a larger task at hand.

The UDF’s document, Ya, the Community Is the Main Source of Power, attempted to unite the people against the apartheid regime. In this document, they called the people to peacefully harass the regime.

Alison Ozinsky’s account of the Purple Reign is insightful and surprising. She takes you through the march to Parliament as if you were there experiencing it with her. Just the thought of walking out into the streets knowing that you could be killed at any minute is enough to strike fear and terror in those participating. Yet, they still marched onward. That would have taken some insane courage and bravery! And then when they sat down in the middle of the road and refused to move, their determination and dedication to the cause showed through. These people felt so strongly about a certain cause that they were willing to put their lives on the line to fight for that cause. I personally enjoy eyewitness accounts, because of the heightened emotions and effects present in retelling the story. I feel as if I get more out of that then just reading about it in a history book.

This chapter makes me think of the book, Heart of Darkness, by Joseph Conrad. This book is about European colonization in Africa, and the effects it has on both the Africans and the whites. It talks about the “white man’s burden,” which is essentially to imperialize and colonize those people considered uncivilized by the whites. In this book, the European colonizers traveled to Africa in search of ivory to bring back home. While there, however, they discovered the “uncivilized people” living there. The Europeans soon took over and enforced a system of apartheid onto the Africans. The Africans were treated as slaves, less than human workers who were to treat their European enslavers as god-like figures. 

Overall, this chapter brought to my attention the true intents of the apartheid regime and the oppositional forces fighting against it. It also surprised me that the South African oppositional forces were able to start a revolution (and win, for that matter) by only using means of nonviolence. They were able to restrain and control themselves and their factions so well that violence wasn’t even in the picture. I think that’s pretty awesome for what they had to go through!

 Kenney, Padraic. 1989: Democratic Revolutions at the Cold War's End : A Brief History with Documents. Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, 2010. Print.

Chapters 3 & 4: The Philippines and Chile

Chapter 3 discussed events that occurred in the Philippines from 1983 to 1986.

                The impending threat of Communist guerrilla forces drove the Filipino military to enforce strict restrictions and to adhere to President Marcos’s rule. Marcos took advantage of the Communist rebellion and used it to declare martial law in 1972 (Kenney 78). However, despite this, he still resorted to strict control over Filipino politics and society. In doing so, he sent the country into billions of dollars of debt for his own private means.

                 

               Marcos became deathly ill, and could not control the succession all on his own. So, in response, Benigno Aquino returned from exile to head up the Philippine revolution for democracy. However, his leadership was cut short when he was assassinated on August 21, 1983.

                But, Philippine hope was not all lost just yet. The Catholic Church took its stand against Marcos’s regime and fought for nonviolent change. Also, Aquino’s widow, Corazon Aquino, publicly announced her return home for her husband’s funeral, and “emerged as a strong force for reconciliation rather than revenge,” (Kenney 79). She soon became a speaker for democracy and human rights.

                The third event that kept the succession from being detrimental to the Philippines was that of “the Parliament of the Streets.” The organization JAJA (Justice for Aquino, Justice for All) was established by Aquino’s brother, left-wing senators, and business allies in Manila. JAJA held many pioneering revolts and demonstrations. Also, NAMFREL (National Movement for Free Elections) was established with the goal to watch every polling place. It was created by Jose Conception.

                As the end of 1985 drew closer, the Church had grown more integrated into the political events of the Philippines. Marcos pretty much lost his support, except for President Reagan, who still believed in and supported Marcos. 

                Marcos decided to run for president yet again, but against Corazon Aquino this term. A key moment in Marcos’s downfall soon appeared as Cardinal Sin convinced Senator Salvador Laurel to run as Aquino’s vice president. This deemed Marcos as a “usurper with blood on his hands,” (Kenney 80). 

                The document, Primer for the “Justice for Aquino, Justice for All” Movement, lays out the main demands and the background of the organization JAJA. Under their Credo, they state that they believe in justice, freedom, democracy, and sovereignty for the Filipino people. They believe that active participation and representation is a necessity for true democracy. They also list their demands and objectives:

·         The immediate resignation of President Marcos

·         The immediate restoration of the Writ of Habeas Corpus

·         A fair and impartial investigation of Aquino’s assassination

·         The complete restoration of the basic freedoms

·         A stop to U.S. and foreign intervention

·         An end to militarization

·         The restoration of independence and the integrity of the judiciary

            JAJA definitely planned out their role in society. They had a common goal, and they stuck to it until the end. I think that they encompassed what it truly meant to become united for democracy.

To move on, The Civil Disobedience Campaign drew its influence from Martin Luther King Jr. and set up guidelines for a boycott of government-controlled firms. This campaign had outlined in detail the specific sanctions of the boycott that were to take place; including, but not limited to, Crony Banks, Economic and Financial Sanctions, and Crony Companies.

Corazon Aquino took her stance in this organization to make a statement. She made calls to the Crony Banks and Crony Companies for the people to rally and boycott the selected banks and companies. This must have taken some serious courage. I mean, a woman, yet alone a widow of a man who stood to play an important part in the Philippine insurrection, was taking control of a boycott organization. She publicly called out the Crony organizations, knowing she could be shot down at any moment. I don’t think you would find that kind of bravery around these times. 

Also from a woman’s perspective, Ledivina V. Canño wrote about the Philippine Revolution from an eyewitness account. This account brought insight into the peaceful revolution that took place. It was hard for me to imagine a revolution taking place in a foreign country. Mostly because I have never experienced a revolution in my lifetime, nor have I truly studied revolts enough to grasp the feelings that go along with them. This account brought to my attention the reality behind a rebellion, peaceful or not. 

There was a paragraph in this document that really hit me. Canño was talking to her children as the group moved to EDSA. She said:

“This is a revolution, please do not expect a picnic. We must be prepared for everything. There are no casualties yet because they do not shoot face to face, but behind big tanks, from the air, everything becomes impersonal,” (Kenney 96).

                This little part scared me a little. If you knew that anytime you walked outside you had a 50/50 chance of being shot, would you take that risk? And just the fact that even though they wouldn’t shoot head on, but from looming tanks that could crush you in seconds – that’s a terrifying thought! Canño was right when she said that everything was impersonal. The enemy hid behind tanks if they were to kill. They couldn’t even face their opponent head on as they killed them. That just seems odd to me. The psychologist in me wants to say that this was because they had remorse for their victims, but I’m not so sure in this case. There could be a number of reasons for this action, and maybe I’m just over-looking them. Either way, it strikes me as strange.

                Overall, Chapter 3 shed a new light on the idea of a peaceful revolution. I was skeptical at first when I heard that a peaceful revolution could even exist, but now I understand that it is plausible…and not such a bad idea.

 ~*~

Chapter 4 discussed the events of Chile’s insurrection for democracy from 1982 to 1988.

                On September 11, 1973, Chilean President Pinochet led a coup d’état that ultimately demolished the democratically elected system of government under President Allende. While Pinochet ensured the Chilean people that he would “restore order and bring economic prosperity,” he instead tortured and killed many people (Kenney 100). 

                In September of 1986, an assassination attempt was launched against Pinochet. It failed in its goal, but managed to repel the Chilean public. However, Pinochet took this opportunity to push forward to the presidential election in 1980. Unfortunately, he lost by 55%. The opposing party commenced their campaign, known as the “No” campaign. This campaign was against Pinochet and they rallied for people to vote “No” against him.

This is a movie trailer from the movie "No." It follows the lives of the Chilean people as they set about to form and take action during the "No" campaign.

                I really enjoyed The Contest by Los De Alvear. I think this was my favorite document from this chapter. This was a play to raise awareness and draw people into political activism. It highlighted the differences between the Chilean and American governments. As it is from a Chilean perspective, it often takes any chance it can to demean the American government.

              

                “Mr. Frioman: What are you planning to do with your future?”

                “Libertad: I hope to find a millionaire economist to keep me well off…with a house, a car…everything I desire. I would like to have three children with him. Because I am well-planned, I even have their names. The first I would call Success, the second one Consume and the third one Interest.

                “Host: How nice! Let’s give Miss Mercado a round of applause. There is a reason why she made it to the finals! To finish up with the questions, the last one will be for Miss Justina and I will ask it myself. What are you planning to do with your future?

                “Justina: I am thinking of going back to my people to see if they will give me the cure I need to recover once and for all, and it I win, I will win for everyone. I will always be with the people because I don’t want anything for myself. Thank you,” (Kenney 106-107).

                

                This section from the play brings about some major points. First, it shows that America is a selfish country. America wants all it can possibly get; but not by working for it, but by “marrying” into it. America wants to gain only for itself. On the other hand, Chile is portrayed as an innocent young girl, who seems to be selfless. Secondly, America is showed as being outgoing and rude, with her bold statements and flashy answers. Chile is reserved and polite in this play. So, as you can see, there are obviously some different viewpoints to be made by this play. 

                Also, the speech by Gabriel Valdés brought the longing for peace and a better government for Chile out in the open. The statement, “I implore you Chileans to put an end to the culture of death,” (Kenney 115) brings up the important question: what is the culture of death? To me, the culture of death is the Chilean’s current oppression under a dictatorship. Pinochet’s reign wrought oppression and destruction upon Chile, and the people suffered greatly because of it. 

                This document also lists the demands of the Chileans:

• Full restoration of workers’ rights 
• Full restoration of civil liberties
• Return of citizenship to those deprived of it
• End to suspension of political rights
• Full respect for human rights
• A democracy based on justice, whose ethical foundation is full respect for human rights

This document ends with the call to action: “Democracy is born when a crowd becomes an organized people. And an organized people expresses itself freely in the act of perfect sovereignty. And that act is the vote. The people rise up and say ‘enough’ to the dictatorship, to the decadence, and to the repression,” (Kenney 117). This statement calls to the people to stand up and fight for democracy. With the hint of the “No” campaign at the end, Valdés tries to persuade the people to vote against Pinochet in the upcoming election. 

In all, Chile fought for democracy and stood up against Pinochet. This chapter centralized the main ideas that unity is crucial to fight for a common goal, that the Chileans felt strongly for everything they fought for, and that anything is possible with enough determination and support.

  Kenney, Padraic. 1989: Democratic Revolutions at the Cold War's End : A Brief History with Documents. Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, 2010. Print.