Chapter 1 – New Ideas of Democracy and Dissent

This chapter was specifically written outside of the normal explanatory spectrum in a way that I find very interesting. Instead of just dishing out hardcore facts and history, Kenney thought of the brilliant idea to use first-hand accounts of the events to get the information across. In doing so, he brought the reader into the world of the author of the documents as the certain event was taking place before them. It definitely adds a more personal approach to history.

            This chapter primarily focuses on the events leading up to and during the revolutions of different countries in their attempt to rid themselves of dictatorships and move to a more democratic form of government.

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In Václav Havel’s Power of the Powerless document, he attempts to seek out the harmful effects of the Communist regime and to determine if the people have the ability to liberate themselves. He talks about “living in the truth,” and with that, comes living an independent life of society (Kenney 25). He explains this through his concept of “parallel structures,” under which he details his theories of the “second culture” and the “parallel polis,” (Kenney 27). As he explained his theories through this document, I got the notion that he believed that if people would only subside into their parallel worlds separate from this one, they would live a much happier and fulfilling life.

 

This parallel world was a way for people to escape the harsh restrictions of society and establish their lives on their own terms. I thought this was an interesting concept to really think about. I mean, imagine society as it is now. If you could escape into a world all your own, would you? As appalling and run-down societal figures and events have become more recently, I would have a hard time believing that many people would answer no to that question. I believe this was the mindset that Havel had as he wrote this document.

“The deeper the experience of an absence of meaning – in other words, of absurdity – the more energetically meaning is sought.” - Václav Havel

*This is the official webpage for Václav Havel. You can find out more about Havel’s life and writings here. Make sure to click for the English version! http://www.vaclavhavel.cz/  

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Wei Jingsheng’s Fifth Modernization: Democracy document aroused his suspicions of capitalism. He defined true democracy as: “when the people, acting on their own free will, have the right to choose representatives to manage affairs on the people’s behalf and in accordance with the will and interests of the people,” (Kenney 30). The key words in that definition that affected me were “free will.” Living in America, where democracy runs rampant, I have always been used to having my own free will to do what I please in accordance with the Constitution. While I understand the fact that other countries do not have that leisure, I find it hard to emphasize with them. I have never truly felt the oppression of the government to such extremes, and there are times where I feel that I cannot grasp the concept of the absence of free will.

I also like Jinsheng’s point that “the maintenance of democratic order is an internal problem that the people themselves must solve,” (Kenney 30). This basically states that a democratic government cannot survive solely on federal support. The people must play an active role in supporting the democracy if they wish to thrive in it. This brings about the topic of the community and the whole nation coming together to solve one major problem – the true idea behind democracy.

*This is a video interview of Wei Jingsheng from March 1998. It took place in London during Jingsheng’s European tour as he pointed out China’s human rights record. 

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In Desmond Tutu’s speech, Change or Illusion?, Tutu brings up the concern of the white man’s role in repression. He pleas to the South African government to: “say clearly and unequivocally that you [the South African government] are committed to an undivided non-racial South Africa,” (Kenney 36). He fought for the hope and future of the South African people to be free from repression and unfair human rights. His main thesis was to ensure the possibility of free speech of political, religious, economical, and social ideas for the people. I respect Tutu’s audacity in this endeavor, because he fought using logic and persuasive connotation. His ease with words inspired many, and ultimately won him the Nobel Peace Prize in 1984.

*Here is Tutu’s official “The Peace Centre” webpage that gives information about Tutu’s organization. http://www.tutu.org/home/

*Here is the official Huffington Post page for Desmond Tutu. There are several articles on various subjects that Tutu addresses. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/desmond-tutu/

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Mehdi Bazargan’s essay, Religion and Liberty, was probably the most influential and eye-opening document, for me, out of this chapter. Bazargan spent part of his life protesting against repression and the dominance of “religious tyrants.” He believed that God is the ultimate judge for humanity, and people do not have that capability for themselves. He asserts that while freedom is a basic necessity, it does not contradict a person’s faith, despite popular belief of that time. Bazargan was a strong leader for individual freedoms and human rights, and this essay outlines a few of his beliefs.

 

Bazargan defines the term “free will” in relation to the possession of humans as “the person whose choice is not readily predictable and calculable for others,” (Kenney 39). This expresses the underlying theme of individuality, as well. If a person’s actions are unpredictable by others, that person is their own self and has the “free will” to do whatever they please. If their actions are predictable by others, that person would be conforming to the social stereotypes of that community, and therefore would show no individual attitudes or attributes. Now, I am a strong ally for individuality, and I encourage others to be themselves no matter the situation. I think that is the reason this document stuck out to me. I will always be an opponent of conformity and oppression – that is just living a robotic life.

Oppression and freedom come into play later in Bazargan’s essay as he begins to point out the causes of freedom. He notes that the requirements of freedom are “the existence of an oppositional force and a power of choice on behalf of the individual or society,” (Kenney 39-40). Read that again. Bazargan brings up such an important idea here. To attain freedom, there must be something that drives you toward it. If you just go after freedom regardless of any set boundaries or motives, you will not reach your goal. The opposition for this freedom is the motivation required for progress. And as a result of this motivation, ultimate freedom can result in reform and revival for the people.

One more point from Bazargan’s essay I thought was worth mentioning, is that he makes a captivating attack against the government. He states that “suppression of freedom indicates a weakness or flaw in the government’s intentions or actions,” (Kenney 41). He basically says that the lack of freedom is the government’s own fault in being flawed. So, he makes it clear that their government is blemished and needs some kind of reform.

Can you tell that I really liked this essay?!

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             Both Julieta Kirkwood and Aung San Suu Kyi fought for humans rights. While Kirkwood outlined the importance of feminism in the role of democracy in her essay, Feminism’s Time, Suu Kyi brought up the issue of basic human rights in Burma.

Suu Kyi’s document, In Quest of Democracy, states that with the Burmese form of democracy in hand, the people could eventually resist dictatorship. The Burmese sense of democracy is viewed as the “integrated social and ideological system based on respect for the individual,” (Kenney 47). The Burmese people wanted an exodus from fear and repression, which the dictatorship at that time was only making worse. Suu Kyi and her supporters fought for the essential human rights for Burma to ensure a serene existence for its people.

But, Suu Kyi understood, just as every other ally of democracy, that the process of obtaining a secure democratic government was gradually earned. One does not simply receive democracy as soon as they say they want it. A society must persistently fight for what they want if they truly desire it.

            *This is a world news webpage that keeps up to date on the recent events and stories of Suu Kyi. http://www.theguardian.com/world/aung-san-suu-kyi

            *In this video, Suu Kyi talks about her views on non-violence.

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Mikhail Gorbachev’s speech, On Socialist Democracy, highlights two major ideas: perestroika and glasnost. Gorbachev uses perestroika (restructuring) and glasnost (openness) as the structure for the Soviet change in economics and politics. In doing so, Gorbachev effectively announced to the world that the time of “highly centralized control” was over (Kenney 51). But, in order to make such progress, there must be some form of accountability present. Everyone in accord with this concept of perestroika and glasnost must have some sort of say in the process, and must keep in order with the main goal in hand. And with those responsibilities come the accountability of keeping others in line with the ultimate goal, as well. In all, Gorbachev wanted to create a new society based on unity and community values.

I admire Gorbachev’s concept of unity. If not all the people in a society agree entirely on a certain subject matter, there is no chance for reform. But, if cooperation and understanding come into play, there is hope for a change. This hope is founded on accountability, for each person is responsible for making sure everything and everyone is in order around them.

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Chapter 1 presented a variety of documents that had extremely well-formed theories and concepts. It really opened my eyes to the social, political, and economical struggles of this time period.





 Kenney, Padraic. 1989: Democratic Revolutions at the Cold War's End : A Brief History with Documents. Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, 2010. Print.