The
impending threat of Communist guerrilla forces drove the Filipino military to
enforce strict restrictions and to adhere to President Marcos’s rule. Marcos
took advantage of the Communist rebellion and used it to declare martial law in
1972 (Kenney 78). However, despite this, he still resorted to strict control
over Filipino politics and society. In doing so, he sent the country into
billions of dollars of debt for his own private means.
Marcos
became deathly ill, and could not control the succession all on his own. So, in
response, Benigno Aquino returned from exile to head up the Philippine
revolution for democracy. However, his leadership was cut short when he was
assassinated on August 21, 1983.
But,
Philippine hope was not all lost just yet. The Catholic Church took its stand
against Marcos’s regime and fought for nonviolent change. Also, Aquino’s widow,
Corazon Aquino, publicly announced her return home for her husband’s funeral,
and “emerged as a strong force for reconciliation rather than revenge,” (Kenney
79). She soon became a speaker for democracy and human rights.
The
third event that kept the succession from being detrimental to the Philippines
was that of “the Parliament of the Streets.” The organization JAJA (Justice for
Aquino, Justice for All) was established by Aquino’s brother, left-wing
senators, and business allies in Manila. JAJA held many pioneering revolts and
demonstrations. Also, NAMFREL (National Movement for Free Elections) was
established with the goal to watch every polling place. It was created by Jose
Conception.
As the
end of 1985 drew closer, the Church had grown more integrated into the
political events of the Philippines. Marcos pretty much lost his support,
except for President Reagan, who still believed in and supported Marcos.
Marcos
decided to run for president yet again, but against Corazon Aquino this term. A
key moment in Marcos’s downfall soon appeared as Cardinal Sin convinced Senator
Salvador Laurel to run as Aquino’s vice president. This deemed Marcos as a
“usurper with blood on his hands,” (Kenney 80).
The
document, Primer for the “Justice for
Aquino, Justice for All” Movement, lays out the main demands and the
background of the organization JAJA. Under their Credo, they state that they
believe in justice, freedom, democracy, and sovereignty for the Filipino
people. They believe that active participation and representation is a necessity
for true democracy. They also list their demands and objectives:
·
The immediate resignation of President Marcos
·
The immediate restoration of the Writ of Habeas Corpus
·
A fair and impartial investigation of Aquino’s
assassination
·
The complete restoration of the basic freedoms
·
A stop to U.S. and foreign intervention
·
An end to militarization
·
The restoration of independence and the
integrity of the judiciary
JAJA definitely planned out their role in society. They had
a common goal, and they stuck to it until the end. I think that they
encompassed what it truly meant to become united for democracy.
To move on, The Civil Disobedience Campaign drew its influence from Martin
Luther King Jr. and set up guidelines for a boycott of government-controlled
firms. This campaign had outlined in detail the specific sanctions of the
boycott that were to take place; including, but not limited to, Crony Banks,
Economic and Financial Sanctions, and Crony Companies.
Corazon Aquino took her stance in
this organization to make a statement. She made calls to the Crony Banks and
Crony Companies for the people to rally and boycott the selected banks and
companies. This must have taken some serious courage. I mean, a woman, yet
alone a widow of a man who stood to play an important part in the Philippine
insurrection, was taking control of a boycott organization. She publicly called
out the Crony organizations, knowing she could be shot down at any moment. I
don’t think you would find that kind of bravery around these times.
Also from a woman’s perspective,
Ledivina V. Canño wrote about the Philippine Revolution from an eyewitness
account. This account brought insight into the peaceful revolution that took
place. It was hard for me to imagine a revolution taking place in a foreign
country. Mostly because I have never experienced a revolution in my lifetime,
nor have I truly studied revolts enough to grasp the feelings that go along
with them. This account brought to my attention the reality behind a rebellion,
peaceful or not.
There was a paragraph in this
document that really hit me. Canño was talking to her children as the group
moved to EDSA. She said:
“This is a revolution, please do
not expect a picnic. We must be prepared for everything. There are no
casualties yet because they do not shoot face to face, but behind big tanks,
from the air, everything becomes impersonal,” (Kenney 96).
This
little part scared me a little. If you knew that anytime you walked outside you
had a 50/50 chance of being shot, would you take that risk? And just the fact
that even though they wouldn’t shoot head on, but from looming tanks that could
crush you in seconds – that’s a terrifying thought! Canño was right when she
said that everything was impersonal. The enemy hid behind tanks if they were to
kill. They couldn’t even face their opponent head on as they killed them. That
just seems odd to me. The psychologist in me wants to say that this was because
they had remorse for their victims, but I’m not so sure in this case. There
could be a number of reasons for this action, and maybe I’m just over-looking
them. Either way, it strikes me as strange.
Overall,
Chapter 3 shed a new light on the idea of a peaceful revolution. I was
skeptical at first when I heard that a peaceful revolution could even exist,
but now I understand that it is plausible…and not such a bad idea.
~*~
Chapter 4 discussed the events of Chile’s insurrection for
democracy from 1982 to 1988.
On September
11, 1973, Chilean President Pinochet led a coup d’état that ultimately
demolished the democratically elected system of government under President
Allende. While Pinochet ensured the Chilean people that he would “restore order
and bring economic prosperity,” he instead tortured and killed many people
(Kenney 100).
In
September of 1986, an assassination attempt was launched against Pinochet. It
failed in its goal, but managed to repel the Chilean public. However, Pinochet
took this opportunity to push forward to the presidential election in 1980.
Unfortunately, he lost by 55%. The opposing party commenced their campaign,
known as the “No” campaign. This campaign was against Pinochet and they rallied
for people to vote “No” against him.
This is a movie trailer from the movie "No." It follows the lives of the Chilean people as they set about to form and take action during the "No" campaign.
I
really enjoyed The Contest by Los De
Alvear. I think this was my favorite document from this chapter. This was a
play to raise awareness and draw people into political activism. It highlighted
the differences between the Chilean and American governments. As it is from a
Chilean perspective, it often takes any chance it can to demean the American
government.
“Mr.
Frioman: What are you planning to do with your future?”
“Libertad:
I hope to find a millionaire economist to keep me well off…with a house, a car…everything
I desire. I would like to have three children with him. Because I am
well-planned, I even have their names. The first I would call Success, the second one Consume and the third one Interest.
“Host:
How nice! Let’s give Miss Mercado a round of applause. There is a reason why
she made it to the finals! To finish up with the questions, the last one will
be for Miss Justina and I will ask it myself. What are you planning to do with
your future?
“Justina:
I am thinking of going back to my people to see if they will give me the cure I
need to recover once and for all, and it I win, I will win for everyone. I will
always be with the people because I don’t want anything for myself. Thank you,”
(Kenney 106-107).
This
section from the play brings about some major points. First, it shows that
America is a selfish country. America wants all it can possibly get; but not by
working for it, but by “marrying” into it. America wants to gain only for
itself. On the other hand, Chile is portrayed as an innocent young girl, who
seems to be selfless. Secondly, America is showed as being outgoing and rude,
with her bold statements and flashy answers. Chile is reserved and polite in
this play. So, as you can see, there are obviously some different viewpoints to
be made by this play.
Also,
the speech by Gabriel Valdés brought the longing for peace and a better government
for Chile out in the open. The statement, “I implore you Chileans to put an end
to the culture of death,” (Kenney 115) brings up the important question: what
is the culture of death? To me, the culture of death is the Chilean’s current
oppression under a dictatorship. Pinochet’s reign wrought oppression and
destruction upon Chile, and the people suffered greatly because of it.
This
document also lists the demands of the Chileans:
- Full restoration of workers’ rights
- Full restoration of civil liberties
- Return of citizenship to those deprived of it
- End to suspension of political rights
- Full respect for human rights
- A democracy based on justice, whose ethical foundation is full respect for human rights
This document ends with the call
to action: “Democracy is born when a crowd becomes an organized people. And an
organized people expresses itself freely in the act of perfect sovereignty. And
that act is the vote. The people rise up and say ‘enough’ to the dictatorship,
to the decadence, and to the repression,” (Kenney 117). This statement calls to
the people to stand up and fight for democracy. With the hint of the “No”
campaign at the end, Valdés tries to persuade the people to vote against
Pinochet in the upcoming election.
In all, Chile fought for democracy
and stood up against Pinochet. This chapter centralized the main ideas that
unity is crucial to fight for a common goal, that the Chileans felt strongly
for everything they fought for, and that anything is possible with enough
determination and support.
Kenney, Padraic. 1989: Democratic Revolutions at the Cold War's End : A Brief History with Documents. Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, 2010. Print.
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